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A statement by the Supreme Judicial Council accused Shia cleric Muqtada al Sadr’s supporters of pressuring the Federal Supreme Court to dissolve Parliament.
In a statement, the Supreme Judicial Council said on Tuesday that it decided to suspend all judicial activities after al Sadr’s supporters staged a sit-in outside the gates of the body’s Baghdad headquarters to demand the dissolution of Parliament.
The statement accused al Sadr’s supporters of pressuring the Federal Supreme Court to dissolve Parliament, saying it put all judicial activities on hold in protest of such “unconstitutional acts and violations of the law”.
The council held the government and the political party standing behind the demonstration full responsibility for the protest’s consequences.
Meanwhile, Prime Minister Mustafa al Kadhimi cut short his current visit to Egypt to attend a five-way Arab summit and returned to Baghdad, according to a statement released by his office.
Al Kadhimi, according to the statement, warned that “disrupting the work of the judicial institution exposes the country to real dangers”.
He stressed that “the right to demonstrate is guaranteed by the constitution, with the need to respect state institutions to continue their work in the service of the people”.
Political turmoil
Iraq has been in a political deadlock for nine months following general elections last October, which has since failed to agree on a new government between rival parties.
Muqtada al-Sadr led the Shi’ite militia known as the Mahdi Army, which committed acts of retribution against Sunnis in Iraq during the U.S. occupation.
Synopsis
Born c.1974, Muqtada al-Sadr was the son of Grand Ayatolla Muhammad Sadiq al-Sadr. After the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003, Sadr began to organize the Iraqi Shi’ite majority, forming a militia called the Mahdi Army to police the “Sadr City” neighborhood of Baghdad and enact retribution on Sunni Muslims. Sadr’s militia also engaged coalition troops, calling for their complete removal.
The Muhandis General Company (Sharakat al-Muhandis al-Amma) takes its name from Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, the former deputy commander of Iran-backed Shiite militia Hashd al-Shaabi — also known as the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) — and a close comrade of former IRGC’s extraterritorial Quds force commander Qasem Soleimani. They were killed together in January 2020 by a US drone strike.
Muhandis was himself a graduate of civil engineering and in the late 1970s joined the Islamic Dawa Party, which fiercely opposed the Baathist government of Iraqi autocrat Saddam Hussein and led an insurgency against him during the Iran-Iraq war.
Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, a commander in the Popular Mobilization Forces, attends a funeral procession of Hashd al-Shaabi (paramilitary forces) members.
According to our sources, the establishment of the company and its growing sway in Iraq’s construction projects has led to the opposition of the Iraqi army and even the Shiite leaders in Najaf. Influential Iraqi Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr — who seeks to curb the influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Iraqi politics – has once and again called against an Iranian-linked government or a subordinate one in Baghdad.
The Muhandis company seeks to become the Iraqi version of Khatam al-Anbiya Construction Headquarters, IRGC’s engineering and contracting arm. Khatam al-Anbiya Construction Headquarter is one of Iran’s largest contractors in industrial and development projects. The IRGC business conglomerate was created during the 1980–1988 Iran–Iraq War to help rebuild the country and has diversified over the years into companies dealing with mechanical engineering, energy, mining, and defense.
Earlier in May, London-based pan-Arab website Al-Araby Al-Jadeed reported that Al-Muhandis company is increasing its work in the field of contracting and infrastructure in the private and public sector through several projects in the capital Baghdad and several other cities, describing it as the Islamic Republic’s effort to create “a parallel state” inside Iraq.
The report claimed that via its growing network, the company aims to provide financial resources to support Hashd al-Shaabi and its affiliated armed factions.
“Some see the establishment of the company as an attempt to replicate the experience of the Revolutionary Guard in Iran, aimed at controlling economic and commercial sectors in Iraq, towards building a parallel economy, under the management of the Popular Mobilization Forces, which gives the group financial independence,” claimed the report.
According to the report, the company was established in November 2022 with a capital of 100 billion dinars ($68.5 million) and it is exempt from paying any taxes.
In March, US-based think-tank The Washington Institute for Near East Policy reported that the company launched its inaugural project — a commitment to plant one million trees in a large parcel of government-provided land in al-Muthanna province. It said: “The launch event was attended by both PMF chairman Faleh al-Fayyad, a US-designated human rights abuser, and PMF chief of staff Abdul-Aziz al-Mohammadawi (aka Abu Fadak), a US-designated terrorist.”
The think-tank added that Iraqi ‘resistance’ groups – affiliated with the Islamic Republic — have long sought a company “with preferential access to lucrative state contracts, and the Sudani government is finally providing them after years of opposition.”
By Stefano Freyr Castiglione March 11, 2016 09:51 GMT Supporters of Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr burn a US flag during a protest demanding the government prevent the entry of U.S. troops into Iraq at Al-Tahrir Square in Baghdad, September 20, 2014.REUTERS/Ahmed Saad
While he opposed the Baathist regime, his rise to prominence came with his resistance to the Anglo-American occupation after 2003, founding a militia known as the Mahdi Army, which was involved in the post-invasion insurgency, and accused of sectarian violence. Being able to count on both large popular support and a powerful military force, he soon became one of Iraq’s leading political and religious figures.
Sadr’s stance with regards to Iraqi politics has been rather ambiguous, leading some to describe him as “a hybrid of anti-establishment positions while being part of the establishment himself.” His involvement in the country’s public life has seen him make moves and take positions which are sometimes in contrast with the Shia ruling majority’s orientations. He is a steadfast opponent of sectarian politics, although some members of his bloc, the Sadrist Movement, have held, and continue to hold, positions in governments based on quota-sharing.
A common thread since 2003 has been the opposition to foreign interference in Iraq, regardless whether it comes from the West (US, UK) or the East (Iran). His disenchantment as to the possibility of pursuing an alternative to sectarian politics was one of the reasons that led him to suddenly announce his withdrawal from political life in 2014, as one of his movement’s officials stated. Since then, things have evolved in Iraq. The rise of Islamic State (Isis) in which sectarian politics undoubtedly played a role has posed a serious threat to the stability of the country, exacerbated by the political tensions of Maliki’s government at the time. Despite enormous difficulties (the constant threat of extremism, the recent fall of oil prices), his successor Haidar al-Abadi has managed to keep the country afloat as the Hashd al-Shaabi (PMU) and the Security Forces have regained territory from Daesh.
Abadi has been able to ease tensions with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), to take some anti-corruption measures, and to purge the army of inefficient officials. Some issues which have taken root in Iraq have not yet been entirely solved, such as poor public services, corruption, lack of transparency, and sectarianism.
These are the plagues that Sadr has vowed to fight against, on the base of a populist vision of national unity in which religiosity and patriotism are often conflated, as the slogan “Love for one’s country is part of the faith” suggests. The Shia leader supported Abadi’s pledge to carry out a government reshuffle, aimed at installing a technocratic cabinet, as well as to fight corruption, restore services, and implement public accountability.
People in Iraq are getting more and more frustrated at Abadi-led government’s inability to move forward in the reform process — which some elements in the ruling majority actually oppose, seeing it as a threat to their interests. As talks between political factions have not led to concrete results so far, Sadr has seen an opportunity to mobilise the Iraqi masses and push for more audacious measures. After having a member of his own political bloc, Baha al-A’raji (PM deputy), arrested on corruption and embezzlement charges, he disavowed the corrupt officers in his movement and is currently going to investigate how they have caused corruption.
Looking at the causes that may have led Sadr to such a steadfast return to public life, it has been suggested that he hopes to prevent other Shia groups from asserting their influence in the country, on both a political and a military level. After a government reshuffle was proposed, factions have been in disagreement over how this is to be done: while one side prefers the ministries to be chosen by political parties, another side, led by Sadr, asserts that parties should not interfere. Sadr has also threatened the current government with a vote of no-confidence if no agreement is reached within 45 days. It is also worth noting that Sadr does not oppose Abadi, but he thinks he should take the chance to promote reforms before it’s too late.
How is Sadr’s comeback to be evaluated? This week, the third demonstration led by the Shia leaexpected to be held, which threatens to storm the Green Zone in the Iraqi capital. There are mixed feelings in the Iraqi street regarding Sadr’s role. Some support his push for change, frustrated at Abadi government’s poor performance in terms of reforms.
Others, however, are afraid that if a breach in security occurs during the protests, it will undermine the rule of law and set a precedent that Sadr is taking the law into his own hands. This is why some of the Green Zone residents have allegedly left the area lest the situation gets out of control. Despite being characterised by some clearly populist motifs, Sadr’s pledge to fight against corruption and for the sake of the most vulnerable classes of Iraqi society can function as an incentive for the large-scale reforms proposed by Abadi. At the same time, though, Sadr’s uncompromising stances may lead to political stalemate in a country that still needs to recapture the remaining areas under Daesh control.
His call for a more transparent and efficient administration, then, can be beneficial as long as his long-term vision does not hinder the current government’s activity, given the delicate stage the country is going through.
Stefano Freyr Castiglione is an Arab media analyst at Integrity UK
Sulaiman LkaderiPublished date: 21 October 2021 17:38 UTC| Last update: 10 hours 40 mins ago 111Shares
Muqtada al-Sadr emerged as the frontrunner in Iraq’s 2021 elections. The Shia cleric, militia leader and political kingmaker has played a crucial role in shaping Iraq since the US invasion in 2003. Here’s what you need to know about him.
Influential Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, makes a speech from his house in Najaf, Iraq, August 30, 2022. Photo: Anmar Khalil/AP
ERBIL, Kurdistan Region – Iraq’s Influential Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr on Sunday canceled all ceremonies scheduled to honor the memory of his father, Muhamed Sadiq al-Sadr, on the anniversary of his assassination, saying he was punishing the followers that have claimed him to be a long-foretold messianic figure.
In April, a group of Sadrist followers known by the name “People of the Cause” were spreading a theory that Imam al-Mahdi would appear at the Kufa Mosque, coinciding with Sadr’s decision to attend a religious retreat at the mosque. They claimed that Sadr would be the promised one.
Protesting their claims, Sadr announced he was freezing the activities of his Sadrist Movement for a year and deactivating his Twitter account indefinitely.
The Shiite cleric said that “the best punishment” for these groups of outliers and those who support them was “prohibiting everyone” from conducting ceremonies to mark the anniversary of Sadr’s father’s death.
Thousands of Shiite followers annually attend a ceremony in Najaf marking the anniversary of the assassination in accordance to the Islamic Hijri calendar.
Sadr added that he remains “loyal and a servant” to his followers, but claimed that he was making the decision out of concern for them and in hopes that God would spare them from “the evil of that day.”
Islamic theology says that a messianic figure, known as Imam al-Mahdi among Shiites and Muhammad al-Mahdi among Sunnis, will emerge at the end of times to redeem Islam and rid the world of evil. Naming the figure is condemned by both sects, as it falls into the category of al-Ghaib (the concealed), which is information known only by God.
Sadr’s father, an outspoken critic of Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein, was shot in his car alongside two of his sons, Muamal and Mustafa, by unidentified assailants on February 19, 1999, corresponding to the fourth of Dhu al-Qidah month on the Hijri calendar.
Unlike his two sons, the late Shiite cleric did not immediately meet his fate after the shooting, rather he was taken to a hospital for treatment where he was shot once more, leading to his death. Sadr was 24 when his father was killed.
Sadr commands a large popular following and his movement has religious and charitable institutions. He was also involved in politics until he announced his “definitive retirement” last August after violent altercations broke out between his supporters and those of pro-Iran parties inside Baghdad’s fortified Green Zone.
While he opposed the Baathist regime, his rise to prominence came with his resistance to the Anglo-American occupation after 2003, founding a militia known as the Mahdi Army, which was involved in the post-invasion insurgency, and accused of sectarian violence. Being able to count on both large popular support and a powerful military force, he soon became one of Iraq’s leading political and religious figures.
Sadr’s stance with regards to Iraqi politics has been rather ambiguous, leading some to describe him as “a hybrid of anti-establishment positions while being part of the establishment himself.” His involvement in the country’s public life has seen him make moves and take positions which are sometimes in contrast with the Shia ruling majority’s orientations. He is a steadfast opponent of sectarian politics, although some members of his bloc, the Sadrist Movement, have held, and continue to hold, positions in governments based on quota-sharing.
A common thread since 2003 has been the opposition to foreign interference in Iraq, regardless whether it comes from the West (US, UK) or the East (Iran). His disenchantment as to the possibility of pursuing an alternative to sectarian politics was one of the reasons that led him to suddenly announce his withdrawal from political life in 2014, as one of his movement’s officials stated. Since then, things have evolved in Iraq. The rise of Islamic State (Isis) in which sectarian politics undoubtedly played a role has posed a serious threat to the stability of the country, exacerbated by the political tensions of Maliki’s government at the time. Despite enormous difficulties (the constant threat of extremism, the recent fall of oil prices), his successor Haidar al-Abadi has managed to keep the country afloat as the Hashd al-Shaabi (PMU) and the Security Forces have regained territory from Daesh.
Abadi has been able to ease tensions with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), to take some anti-corruption measures, and to purge the army of inefficient officials. Some issues which have taken root in Iraq have not yet been entirely solved, such as poor public services, corruption, lack of transparency, and sectarianism.
These are the plagues that Sadr has vowed to fight against, on the base of a populist vision of national unity in which religiosity and patriotism are often conflated, as the slogan “Love for one’s country is part of the faith” suggests. The Shia leader supported Abadi’s pledge to carry out a government reshuffle, aimed at installing a technocratic cabinet, as well as to fight corruption, restore services, and implement public accountability.
People in Iraq are getting more and more frustrated at Abadi-led government’s inability to move forward in the reform process — which some elements in the ruling majority actually oppose, seeing it as a threat to their interests. As talks between political factions have not led to concrete results so far, Sadr has seen an opportunity to mobilise the Iraqi masses and push for more audacious measures. After having a member of his own political bloc, Baha al-A’raji (PM deputy), arrested on corruption and embezzlement charges, he disavowed the corrupt officers in his movement and is currently going to investigate how they have caused corruption.
Looking at the causes that may have led Sadr to such a steadfast return to public life, it has been suggested that he hopes to prevent other Shia groups from asserting their influence in the country, on both a political and a military level. After a government reshuffle was proposed, factions have been in disagreement over how this is to be done: while one side prefers the ministries to be chosen by political parties, another side, led by Sadr, asserts that parties should not interfere. Sadr has also threatened the current government with a vote of no-confidence if no agreement is reached within 45 days. It is also worth noting that Sadr does not oppose Abadi, but he thinks he should take the chance to promote reforms before it’s too late.
How is Sadr’s comeback to be evaluated? This week, the third demonstration led by the Shia leaexpected to be held, which threatens to storm the Green Zone in the Iraqi capital. There are mixed feelings in the Iraqi street regarding Sadr’s role. Some support his push for change, frustrated at Abadi government’s poor performance in terms of reforms.
Others, however, are afraid that if a breach in security occurs during the protests, it will undermine the rule of law and set a precedent that Sadr is taking the law into his own hands. This is why some of the Green Zone residents have allegedly left the area lest the situation gets out of control. Despite being characterised by some clearly populist motifs, Sadr’s pledge to fight against corruption and for the sake of the most vulnerable classes of Iraqi society can function as an incentive for the large-scale reforms proposed by Abadi. At the same time, though, Sadr’s uncompromising stances may lead to political stalemate in a country that still needs to recapture the remaining areas under Daesh control.
His call for a more transparent and efficient administration, then, can be beneficial as long as his long-term vision does not hinder the current government’s activity, given the delicate stage the country is going through.
Stefano Freyr Castiglione is an Arab media analyst at Integrity UK
Influential Iraqi Shiite cleric and political leader al-Sadr announced Friday, April 14, 2023, that he would suspend his movement for one year, citing “corruption” among some of his followers. (AP Photo/Anmar Khalil, File)
BAGHDAD (AP) — Influential Iraqi Shiite cleric and political leader Muqtada al-Sadr announced on Friday that he would suspend the movement he leads for one year, citing “corruption” among some of his followers.
A group within his Sadrist movement, which has dubbed itself the “Owners of the Cause,” believes that al-Sadr is Imam Mahdi, a Shiite religious leader said to have vanished more than 1,000 years ago and who is expected to return leading an army of the faithful to defeat evil in the world.
On Friday, Iraq’s Supreme Judicial Council announced that an investigative court had ordered the arrest of 65 alleged members of the “Owners of the Cause,” which it described as a disruptive “gang.”
Al-Sadr resigned from politics last August, following a nearly yearlong deadlock in the formation of a new Cabinet. His party won the largest share of seats in the October 2021 parliamentary elections, but not enough to secure a majority government.
Al-Sadr’s refusal to negotiate with his Iran-backed Shiite rivals and his subsequent exit from the talks catapulted the country into political uncertainty and volatility amid intensifying intra-Shiite wrangling.
After al-Sadr announced his resignation from politics, hundreds of his angry followers stormed the government palace and clashed with security forces. At least 15 protesters were killed.
In an indication of his extreme anger and his estrangement with them, the leader of the “Sadr movement” Muqtada al-Sadr decided not to allow politicians from outside his movement to attend the commemoration ceremony for the twenty-fifth anniversary of the killing of his father, the religious authority Muhammad Sadiq al-Sadr, who accused Saddam’s regime of masterminding his assassination on February 9, 1999. , which falls on the fourth of the next month of Dhu al-Qi`dah of the Hijri year, and is dedicated to commemorating the anniversary.
This is the first time that al-Sadr has taken a decision of this kind, which means that a wide spectrum of politicians of armed parties and factions who were students and imitators of al-Sadr are unable this year to visit the shrine of the late religious authority, which is included in the commemoration ceremonies, and according to a source from the movement. Al-Sadr, “two politicians and personalities affiliated with the (Virtue) party, (Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq) and the (Nujaba) movement … and others will not be able to visit the shrine this year.”
And the source added in an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat that “Al-Sadr intended, through the set of points he issued regarding the commemoration, to send a message to the movements and parties that invest politically in the legacy of the late reference, and sought to stop that personal and interest-based investment that has been going on for years at the expense of the Al-Sadr family. ».
And he continues: «There is another matter that al-Sadr wanted to stop through the instructions he issued, which is to prevent the exploitation of the occasion even by some interest-based tendencies affiliated with the movement, through his insistence on holding the commemoration in Najaf governorate only and limiting it to three days instead of continuing it to seven days as is the case. It used to happen in previous years.Supporters of Muqtada al-Sadr during a protest in Sadr City, Baghdad, last month (AP)
Yesterday, Salih Muhammad al-Iraqi, known as “Minister of al-Sadr,” issued a list of the steps ordered by al-Sadr that must be taken during the commemoration ceremony for the twenty-fifth anniversary, and they included “spreading blackness this year by lovers and on their homes, shops, and places of work, and walking from the designated walking places.” It is the outskirts of the most honorable Najaf, or whatever is appointed by the Central Committee as much as possible.
The regulation prohibited entry to the shrine of the reference, “anyone who refrained from signing the blood covenant document,” referring to the document that al-Sadr issued a few days ago, and he asked his followers to sign it. his political career.
The regulation also prohibited “the presence of politicians in commemoration ceremonies, and it is restricted to Sadrist politicians exclusively only.”
Since Al-Sadr’s decision to withdraw his bloc in the Federal Parliament (73 seats) in early August 2022, speculation about the step that Al-Sadr might take has been deliberating inside Iraq, but Al-Sadr has not taken any step so far that would mix the cards and disturb Months of political calm enjoyed by the government of Prime Minister Muhammad Shia’ al-Sudani.
However, al-Sadr’s failure to take escalatory steps against the government of his opponents in the Shiite “coordinating framework” forces does not mean that he has surrendered to the status quo according to most local observers, and a wide spectrum of them believes that “Al-Sadr deliberately misleads his opponents and may surprise them at any moment and turn the tables on them while he enjoys a strong base.” A very popular masses of obedience and adherence to his orders.
On the other hand, others believe that al-Sadr’s delay in responding to his political opponents, who prevented him from forming a government despite his numerical majority in Parliament, may cost him a heavy political price in the coming years, and lead to the disintegration of his current and the departure of many of his followers, especially if the prime minister’s government succeeds. Minister Muhammad Shayaa Al-Sudani achieved relative successes related to the service side, infrastructure and combating corruption.
DUBAI, United Arab Emirates (CNN) — The Iranian ambassador to Baghdad, Mohammad Qassem Al Sadiq, warned that “the withdrawal of the Sadrist movement from the political process in Iraq creates a vacuum.” political process in Iraq,” he said, as quoted by the Iranian News Agency (IRNA).
The Iranian ambassador’s statements came in response to a decision by Muqtada al-Sadr, the leader of the Sadrist movement in Iraq, to freeze the movement’s activities for a year and close its offices.
Regarding the possibility of “political imbalance” in Iraq, in the absence of the Sadrist movement from the political arena, the Iranian ambassador clarified in statements to the Iraqi (Al-Sharqiya) channel, which was reported by the Iranian Agency, on Friday: “Its absence creates a vacuum naturally, and the existence of the movement is necessary in the political process. “
The Iranian ambassador said: “I hear that the Iraqi brothers are making some efforts to talk to Muqtada al-Sadr to return to the political process,” the Iranian agency reported.
Ambassador Muhammad Qassem, however, stressed that “Muqdada al-Sadr is free to take whatever decision he sees fit, but we don’t want that.”
The Iranian ambassador denied that he had any information about the possibility of Muqtada al-Sadr going to Iran and being isolated there as he did before, adding: “But Iran is Muqtada al-Sadr’s second country and he is welcome in any way. We will welcome him at the time of his arrival. We accept, he is in his family in the Republic.” Islam,” according to IRNA.
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